Myanmar’s civil war rages on despite ‘whack-a-mole’ sanctions, scant aid. What more can be done?

“Still, it is hard not to conclude that there is also a lack of imagination in some policy circles, or at least insufficient will to try new things.”

Sanctions and aid have been the main international responses to the Myanmar crisis so far, as no government wants to risk escalating tensions between China and the United States – both stakeholders in Myanmar – by providing direct military support, which experts said would be logistically difficult to provide anyway.
Even then, the global response has been tepid, the report notes, with many governments distracted by other conflicts such as the wars in Gaza and Ukraine.

The latest update last week from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a non-profit group run by Myanmar exiles, estimates that 5,000 people have been killed since the coup began, with more than 26,000 people being arrested and over 20,000 held in detention.

Sanctions on the junta, such as blocking access to international markets, had largely been ineffective and were akin to “playing whack-a-mole”, Pedersen said, adding that while some of the junta’s financial transactions had been blocked, the generals could counter these efforts by simply restructuring their banking practices.

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Myanmar’s junta extends state of emergency amid struggle to contain rebel forces

Myanmar’s junta extends state of emergency amid struggle to contain rebel forces

Zachary Abuza, a professor at the National War College in Washington specialising in Southeast Asian politics and security, told This Week in Asia that sanctions had been ineffective because of insufficient international support. He suggested that a more strategic approach, particularly targeting jet fuel imports, could prove more successful.

However, similar to those that had been imposed on Russia for its war in Ukraine, the sanctions on Myanmar were proving difficult to enforce due to the presence of unscrupulous exporters, he said.

Rather than relying solely on sanctions, Pedersen advocated for more innovative approaches. He recommended supporting “parallel state-building” by aiding emerging local governance structures in regions not under junta control.

“While discussions about international assistance to the resistance have perhaps naturally focused on supporting the armed struggle, there are ample, largely unexplored opportunities for supporting rebel governance – and fewer risks involved,” he said.

Rebel forces fighting the Myanmar military take up positions near the Sagaing region in November last year. Photo: Reuters
The resistance against Myanmar’s military spans the National Unity Government – a shadow government formed with the aim of ending military rule – people’s militias and the country’s ethnic armed organisations. Three ethnic armed groups led successful surprise attacks on the military last year.

These groups are now forming new “parallel” political authorities in Myanmar, but are under-resourced and could benefit from international support, according to Pedersen. Global assistance could also be effective in delivering social services to resistance groups and supporting dialogue among them, he said.

Abuza said the National Unity Government and ethnic armed groups needed ways of communicating and the international community could consider funding more Starlink or satellite internet terminals, for example.

These groups also require access to education and medicine to out-govern the military, he added.

Myanmar citizens living in India hold placards during a protest against the coup and demanding recognition of the National Unity Government in New Delhi in 2022. Photo: Reuters
Andrew Hudson, chief executive for the Centre for Policy Development, a Sydney-based public policy think tank, argued that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations had a greater chance of providing effective support for Myanmar than the international community at large – especially for the more than 1 million Myanmar refugees living elsewhere in the region and those who were vulnerable to ethnic cleansing.

“Effective action from Asean is key as other parts of the world are less likely to intervene,” he said.

Henrick Tsjeng, a political and security relations associate at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, agreed that the regional bloc could be a crucial actor given Myanmar’s membership in the organisation.
Southeast Asian leaders pose for a photo at an Asean Summit in Jakarta in September 2023. Photo: AP
Asean would need to engage China, India and Japan and possibly other regional countries – albeit carefully – to broker a ceasefire in Myanmar, he added.

China, given its influence in Myanmar and involvement in arranging previous ceasefires, should continue to encourage dialogue between the warring factions and work with Asean, he said.

“Many in the West believe that supporting the rebels in toppling the junta is the best way forward,” he said.

“Such action will only drag both Myanmar – which also happens to be a close partner of Russia – and the Southeast Asian region deeper into the wider major power rivalry, and possibly undermine Asean centrality in the process.”

Additional reporting by Maria Siow

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